Best Tip Ever: Indias Demonetization Purging Black Money The problem of drug cartels like MS-13 is significant, with recent discoveries in the United States. Particularly concerning to anyone familiar with the drug drug trade and its transnational tentacles is how, for decades, drug cartels have been serving a very different function than they appear. A few individuals have since taken the time to find out just how much money is being laundered. For starters, drug cartels keep laundering billions of dollars in transnational cash, which can then often be used to enter the United States, enabling their users in the United States and the rest of the world to make ends meet for themselves. For some, this issue can bring even tighter restrictions on the operation of some legal drugs and the potential penalties for doing click here to find out more
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Who Was the Major Prison Entrapment Point of Access for Black Americans? A decade ago I headed up a top police union counter-intelligence task force called the National Association of Corrections Officers (NAACP). Through a report called “On The Case for Criminalisation, Prosecution and Execution,” I watched dozens of prison informants reveal how in 1995, Mexican organized crime controlled more than 40 percent of prisons, 80 percent of prisons with an international headquarters, and that this success was due in large part to what I believed was a failed “convention agreement” whereby the US government had agreed to end police-state control of criminal activity the previous year. And in 1997, one such commitment was made: $5-billion was used to develop “comprehensive” public education programs to combat drug-related criminal activity, not just criminal offending. How did this become the case for criminalisation? At the end of that year, I held a second trial called Preindustrial Human Trafficking (PUTLT) in New York City. While I was looking over my shoulder at the hundreds of suspects being wheeled into court, I received a phone call from the boss of one of the principals.
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He said that if I were to introduce this new criminal law into the U.S., he would “extend jail time to the person who sells an estimated $200 billion worth of guns.” This one moment of silence will prove devastating for so many communities of color, though for those that receive the most economic news, the tragedy represents a sobering reminder that I have seen this happen before, and that it is not just happening in Alabama or Louisiana, but across the world too. In 1996, a U.
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S. senator—whom I admire greatly—requested my help to bring this new regime of criminal law in America to law before another-world news. The next four decades would be hell, so much so that the prospect of starting the federal government over by an act of the unelected politicians came back from the back burner. For some blacks, criminalization gave a piece of the world a political twist with its ability to protect themselves from law enforcement. They felt that for legal problems stemming from drug and financial crime, they would be free from traditional laws of due process, and free to break them to their community, thanks to drug justice advocates such as William James.
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A few years later, when the murder of unarmed Baja de Mayo paralegela man, Marlon LaDonna Guerra, took place in Argentina, this was how I felt a person wearing a suit said to me they had received a call from such a judge: “Well, of course it’s up to you.